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There is a curious disconnection between Egypt’s dire political and financial straits and the relatively upbeat assessments from the international oil companies (IOCs) developing assets there. In spite of the continued closure of Eni and Union Fenosa’s Damietta LNG export terminal and the substantial debt owed by Egyptian General Petroleum Corporation (EGPC) to domestic gas producers, long-term prospects still appear to justify investments.

The National Energy Regulator of South Africa (Nersa) officially launched a public consultation process on 18 March for new procurement via the Section 34 Ministerial Determination. If Nersa gives its approval, the ministerial determination will allow procurement of new capacity set out in the country’s Integrated Resource Plan (IRP). However, disruption caused by the coronavirus – a three-week lockdown has been ordered from 26 March – is likely to delay the process, which was already expected to last three months for the emergency procurement and six months for the rest. Nersa has asked its staff to work from home.

US developer Symbion Power Tanzania Ltd on 13 March filed a request for arbitration at the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) in Paris claiming breach of contract due to non-payment by Tanzania Electricity Supply Corporation (Tanesco) for power from the 126MW Ubungo plant (AE 331/1). Symbion says Tanesco has refused to pay for its power since the contract was agreed, claiming variously that the power purchase agreement (PPA) had been “put on hold”, never been signed or, later, that it had been rescinded.

The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative will hold its fourth international conference in Doha on 16-18 February 2009.

Veteran Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (Renamo) leader Afonso Dhlakama’s surprise return to the bush in October 2012 was an unsettling reminder of the fragility of post-conflict Mozambique, as guerrilla roadblocks returned and coal exports were halted in the central region. Renamo’s rebellion was triggered by demands for a greater share of state jobs and resources. A peace agreement signed on 24 August 2014 promised jobs, above all in the army and police, and set a platform for campaigning to start for general elections on 15 October.

Industry scepticism about the project’s economics notwithstanding, on 23 January, President Uhuru Kenyatta shook hands with Total executive committee member Momar Nguer to confirm the French major’s commitment to investing in the Lokichar-Lamu oil pipeline. These things matter in East African oil and geostrategic manoeuvring; Uganda’s export pipeline was planned to pass through Lokichar until Total backed a rival route to Tanzania, but having since bought Maersk Oil, it needs an export route in Kenya too.

With elections now set to go ahead and new donor support in prospect, Côte d’Ivoire may finally be able to resume its central role in the West African regional economy

One country where progress is being made is Mozambique, where national utility Electricidade de Moçambique (EdM) has invested heavily in new connections over the past year, placing it under significant financial strain. Partly as a result, the government launched the Energy for All programme in 2018, which aims to achieve universal access to power by 2030 and sets out a new structure for electrification which takes some of the financial burden away from the utility.

Markets have welcomed the announcement that five groups have been selected to take over PHCN’s generation plants, and that distribution bids will be announced soon. But enthusiasm about Nigeria’s power privatisation programme is tempered by concerns over some of the shareholders, write Leo Lawal in Lagos and Jon Marks.

Anthony Khama, son of founding president Sir Seretse Khama and younger brother of President Ian Khama, has joined the board of Australian miner A-Cap Resources’ local subsidiary A-Cap Resources Botswana.

It may be symbolic that, beyond the state-run grid, Tanzania provides an enticing opportunity for innovative investors to build businesses in marginalised communities with aspirations to move beyond energy poverty. Tanzania has been a pioneer in the sub-Saharan off-grid revolution, where mini-grid operator Jumeme and other innovators have been able to build their businesses. Germany’s Redavia last year began operating its first two mini-grids, supported by InfraCo Africa.

Lundin Petroleum said on 1 November that it had been notified by the Swedish Prosecution Authority that the company could face fines in connection with the preliminary investigation into its operations in Sudan. The Swedish government in October authorised the country’s prosecution authority to proceed with an indictment against Lundin Petroleum chairman Ian Lundin and chief executive Alex Schneiter over alleged complicity in war crimes in Sudan.

South Sudan’s oil production has fallen by about 25,000 b/d, or 15%, due to problems with well maintenance in the key producing state of Upper Nile, according to the latest sales and marketing data from the Ministry of Petroleum and Mines. The ministry has outlined a lifting programme for 4.2m barrels of crude for November, equivalent to 140,000 b/d. Production in H1 2014 averaged 165,000 b/d. The drop is significant, and will be costly for the government. The outbreak of hostilities in mid-December had already resulted in a sharp drop in output from 220,000 b/d in November 2013.

After more than a year of blockage, the detailed provisions in the latest deal reached by negotiators from Sudan and South Sudan mean oil could start to flow again within weeks. The deal was reached in the early hours of 12 March after almost a week of talks in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. An implementation schedule has been agreed by the two sides that demands a resumption in oil production be mandated by the two governments by 24 March. South Sudan halted oil exports via Sudan in January 2012, after the Khartoum government began to confiscate South Sudanese oil as payment for what it claimed were unpaid transit fees.

Negotiations over the disputed lake border between Tanzania and Malawi have broken down, with Malawian officials telling their Tanzanian counterparts that they will pursue their cause before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) rather than continue talks to resolve the dispute.